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Haiti: The Tumultuous History---From Pearl of the Caribbean to Broken Nation.
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Showing posts with label
Haiti: The Tumultuous History---From Pearl of the Caribbean to Broken Nation.
Show all posts
This is a continuation of the book review of Haiti by Girard, a historian who specializes in the area of Caribbean history; Some quotations:
"Being a mulatto [yellow] had social and cultural implications going far beyond racial traits, and race became as important to one's identity as one's name. . . . mulattoes monopolized its businesses. . . . Blacks, representing about 90 percent of Haiti's population, stood for everything the mulattoes opposed.
Under Dessalines' leadership (1804-1806), the Haitian countryside thus bore an eerie resemblance to the colonial landscape . . . forced labor, monoculture, and social inequality remained the norm."
Aristitide convinced Bill Clinton to dedicate twenty thousand troops and two billion dollars to an intervention opposed by a majority of his constituents. Aristide's single-minded perservance finally paid off, but it came at a price. Haiti, a country already suffering from extreme poverty, a brain drain, and a notorious reputation abroad, endured three long years of embargo, emigration, and political violence that only added to its existing woes. Cedra's and Aristitde's diplimatic feats were yet another example of Haitian politicians using their political genuis to serve their own career rather than their own people.
At the end of his book, Girard has a section entitled: "Conclusion: Is There Any Hope for Haiti" Girard's answer is a guarded, Yes. Though " writing a book on the history of Haiti can be a depressing experience," and though Haiti's historical past haunts its sociological present, though "poverty begets poverty," though "political violence and poverty tend to be self-perpetuating," though "decades of economic setbacks have convinced many Haitians that their only chance of ever escaping misery is to leave Haiti altogether, thus depriving the country of valuable human capital," though an internal "predatory class" is in charge, "something must be done to stop this cycle of poverty." Girard asserts that foreign aid hasn't worked; more of a grassroots model is needed for lasting growth:
1. Education to correct massive illiteracy and limited education.
2. Agricultural modernization.
3. Labor-intensive light industry.
4. "Heavy industry like ship building."
5. "Service-oriented sectors such as information technology."
6. Tourism
According to Girard, Haiti does have some unique assets: cheap labor, young population, proximity to U.S. mainland, and the possible return of the Haitian Diaspora with their education, expertise and capital.
To be continued
This is my book review of Haiti: The Tumultuous History---From Pearl of the Caribbean to Broken Nation by historian Philippe Girard (2005), professor of Caribbean history.
As you read my review of this history of Haiti, filled with brutality and violence, remember that there was no Gandhi, King, Mandela, John Perkins or Jean Thomas to lead Haitians in the way of love, reconciliation, non-violence, justice and cooperatives. After generations of slavery, the freed slaves knew nothing of democracy with civil society social institutions, so they far too often repeated the French model of domination, violence and racism. Fortunately, in Fond-des-Blancs today, Christian Community Development and cooperatives are providing a new and better model.
The author of Haiti, Girard, presents a somewhat different history of Haiti, one that is not only highly critical of French leaders, but also Haitian leaders as well. In his well-meaning attempt to be brutally honest in his analysis, a biased free market ideology shows through from time to time and distorts his interpretations and recommendations. But overall, Girard wants to understand what went wrong over the 500 years of Haitian history so Haitians can chart a different future.
By way of comparison, many interpretations of U. S. history have glorified and sanctified American leaders such as Washington and Jefferson who owned slaves and whose "democracy" denied women, the poor, Native Americans and African Americans equality. In spite of Lincoln's eloquent words, our founding fathers did not create a government of all the people, by all of the people and for all the people. They created a plutocracy (rule by the rich), not a full-fledged democracy.
From Spanish genocide to French slavery to a slave revolution to political despotism and poverty; also to U.S. neo-colonialism. Even when U.S. intentions were good, they were often stupid and paternalistic with negative results. From crisis to crisis---political crises, economic crises, corruption crises, foreign intervention and embargo crises, ongoing poverty crises, illiteracy crises and hurricane and earthquake crises. Girard comments:
Courage, suffering, incompetence, and energy: it is not difficult to understand why outsiders have always found Haiti to be at once mesmerizing and horrifying Haiti is one of the most stunningly beautiful islands of the Caribbean. . . . its violence rarely matched in the annals of human history. . . . genocides, brutal slave systems, countless civil wars and foreign invasions, torture chambers. . . . Haiti was richer than the United States during colonial times.
To the outsider, Haiti represents an incomprehensible mixture of African culture, French culture and U.S. influence. Haiti is fiercely anti-French and anti U.S., yet given an opportunity, Haitians want to emigrate to France and the U.S.
The country is plagued by racial conflict [between mulattoes and blacks; mulattoes a richer minority and blacks a poorer majority]; leaders are often corrupt and uncaring; and Haitians expect foreign countries, not Haitians, to pull the country out of poverty. . . . Even today, roads are built with international aid, schools are funded by U.S. churches, and clinics are run by European NGOs. All the tasks normalyy performed by a functioning government are neglected:
History hangs like a long shadow over Haiti. The violence and exploitation of the past are difficult to forget; and yet, past ills too often serve as a convenient excuse for Haiti's present shortcomings. . . . Just like a child who grows up in an abusive, broken home, then finds it hard to adjust to the world of adulthood, Haiti was conceived in blood, tears, and theft, hardly the best building blocks for nationhood.
Many [of the early Haitian leaders] were so molded by the prerevolutionary colonial mindset that their main ambition was to become plantation owners. . . . French plantation owners had been idle masters, so Haitians equated social success with inactivity, and work with domination (to this day, the Creole expression "to sweat" also means "to be stupid"). Dictatorship, political instability, and labor exploitation; such were the true legacy of the revolution, which did nothing to lay the groundwork for a lasting, free-market democracy.
The Haitian Revolution: "Half of the country's population had died in the previous thirteen years of fighting."
Haitian soldiers rounded up French, planters, soldiers, and merchants all over Haiti and slaughtered them---men, women, and children. . . . All the colonial crimes were revisited in reverse. . . . For decades, the vast majority of Haiti's population remained illiterate and unskilled, substantially hindering Haiti's economic development. Securing one's freedom in an orgy of white blood also set a violent tone for future political discourse. . . . ambitious generals gained, kept and then lost power through violent means.
I am reminded of the biblical admonition to love your neighbors and enemies, reconciling with your neighbors and enemies, praying for your neighbors and enemies, doing justice in behalf of your neighbors and enemies.
To be continued